By Elke Grawert and Zeinab Abul-Magd
The Arab Uprisings have introduced renewed consciousness to the function of the army within the MENA quarter, the place they're both the spine of regime strength or a vital a part of patronage networks in political platforms. This selection of essays from overseas specialists examines the commercial pursuits of armed actors starting from army companies in Egypt, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, Jordan, Sudan, and Yemen to retired army officials’ monetary endeavors and the internet of investment of non-state armed teams in Syria and Libya. a result of mixed strength of commercial and hands, the army frequently manages to include or quell competing teams and hence, to revert achievements of progressive activities.
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Additional info for Businessmen in Arms: How the Military and Other Armed Groups Profit in the MENA Region
Ibid. 56. , 190. Kaldor, New and Old Wars. Ibid. 59. Brömmelhörster and Paes, The Military as an Economic Actor, 194. 60. Mehler, “Oligopolies of Violence in Africa South of the Sahara,” 539–48. 61. Mehler, Lambach, and Smith-Höhn, “Legitimate Oligopolies of Violence with Particular Focus on Liberia and Sierra Leone,” 7–8. Bakony, Hensell and Siegelberg, Ökonomie und Herrschaft nichtstaatlicher Akteure in den Kriegen der Gegenwart. 63. von Boemcken, Between Security Markets and Protection Rackets: Formations of Political Order.
3 During this period, many military regimes adopted socialism. Nazih Ayubi explains that in the 1950s and 1960s, global and Middle Eastern military institutions introduced themselves as more organized, educated, technologically advanced, and able to modernize their societies. ”5 By the end of the Cold War, many military regimes that had previously adopted socialism came under pressure to enter a transformation process toward a market economy, and many had to transition to civilian democracies. Forced to adjust to substantial budget cuts due to neoliberal reform schemes, armies in transforming states engaged in civilian production to compensate for their financial and political losses.
While former army officers occupied high positions in every part of the country, they preferred certain locations where influence and wealth were concentrated. For example, the majority of governors of provinces were retired army generals, and if they did not make it to governor, they served as governors’ chiefs of staff, or as directors of small towns, or heads of both the wealthy and the poor but highly populated districts in Cairo. They ran administrations in key places such as the tourist regions of Upper Egypt, all of the Suez Canal provinces, the two Sinai provinces, the major Nile Delta areas, and Alexandria.