By Werner Abraham
This publication is ready debris within the narrower feel of the observe instead of the wider that means protecting all uninflected phrases of a language. within the narrower which means of the linguistic time period debris should be special among logical, or scalar debris and modal, or pragmatic debris. The semantic, pragmatic and syntactic houses of modal debris range enormously from these of the scalar debris, at the one hand, and their homonymic opposite numbers functioning in several syntactic different types, nonetheless. The contributions to this quantity supply the newest examine at the semantic, pragmatic and syntactic houses of debris within the English and German language.
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Additional info for Discourse Particles: Descriptive and Theoretical Investigations on the Logical, Syntactic and Pragmatic Properties of Discourse Particles in German
Yet we can't analyze (4a), because only can operate on only one individual but not on two individuals at the same time, which seems to be re quired. Rule (6) conflates meta- and object language, a confusion I will put up with for presentational reasons. No harm will be caused by this. One can save the approach by stipulating that only applies to a pair (and, more generally, to an η-tuple) of individuals. ,y n are arguments of the correct types. This semantics correctly predicts that (7) holds good iff for any χ and y we have it that χ is Bill and y is Sue, if John introduced χ to y.
In other words, the logical form of the VP could very well be something like (22): (22) John only [ V p Billi [VP introduced ti to Sue ]] In each case, we may safely assume that the logical form gives us the following structured property: (23) < λx[introduced χ to Sue], Bill > You can write the members of this sequence the other way round in order to have an exact match with (22), but it doesn't really matter. Let us evaluate this structure according to rule (20). We will find that (22) is true iff for any property P: (24) Ρ Ε (λχ[ introduced χ to Sue ](y): y G D ) & P(John) → Ρ = introduced Bill to Sue This is exactly the truth-condition (6a) of the preceding section which we obtained in Rooth's theory, given that λχ[ introduced χ to Sue ](y) reduces to [ introduced y to Sue ].
A. ), Syntax and Semantics 11: Presuppositions. New York: Academic Press, 1-56. Klappenbach, R. and W. Steinitz 1964-1977 Wörterbuch der deutschen Gegenwartssprache. Berlin (DDR): Akademie Verlag. König, E. 173-198. J. Eickmeyer and H. ), Words, worlds, and contexts. Berlin: de Gruyter, 107-132. 36 EKKEHARD KÖNIG 1985 1986 O n the history of concessive connectives in English. $ Synchronic and diachronic evidence. 1-19. ' In A. von Stechow and D. ), Handbuch der Semantik. Berlin: de Gruyter. Plank, F.