By Daniel Pipes
Whereas for a few years students and newshounds have concerned with the extra visible manifestations of political lifestyles within the heart East, one significant subject matter has been continually overlooked. this is often Pan-Syrian nationalism--the dream of making a better Syria out of a space now ruled through Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, and Turkey. even though now not approximately besides often called Arab or Palestinian nationalism and rarely studied intensive, Pan-Syrianism has had a profound impression on center jap politics because the finish of global battle I. In higher Syria, the famous center East pupil Daniel Pipes presents the 1st complete account of this exciting, very important, and little understood ideology.
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Additional info for Greater Syria: The History of an Ambition
The political organism has systematically ignored the rural populaces and the latter have reciprocated. This divorce has resulted in a paradoxical situation: on the one hand, states without national territory, peoples, or patriotism; on the other, amorphous and indifferent peasant masses. "39 The Sunnis of Syria, with their powerful sense of enfranchisement and superiority, stood out within the mix of peoples. Although making up only half the population of Syria, Sunnis constituted a majority in the Middle East at large.
70 Faysal in turn rejected these actions, but to no avail. The French army entered the Kingdom of Syria in July 1920, crushing Faysal's forces and forcing him to flee. "71 San Remo had prevailed over Damascus. Imposing the Mandates The division of Syria into two mandates, British and French, was followed during the next three years by the creation of yet another six boundaries. Though exceedingly complex, the divisions of 1920 to 1923 bear close attention, for a number of them remain in place to the present.
As Western ideologies impinged, Sunnis too began to feel a need to define the nation to which they belonged. Because they were dealing with radically unfamiliar matters, Muslims tended to follow the lead of Middle East Christians. And while the Muslims almost universally rejected Lebanese separatism, Islamicized versions of Syrian and Arab nationalism appealed to them. For both Christians and Muslims before World War I, these three conceptions were to a fair degree compatible and overlapping. As Albert Hourani observed: The supporters of Syrian nationalism were proud of their Arab culture, had connexions with the "Party of Decentralization," and took part in the Arab Congress of 1913; at the same time, they argued for the de facto independence of Lebanon.