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By James Farrer

This publication offers a framework for knowing the worldwide flows of food either into and out of Asia and describes the improvement of transnational culinary fields connecting Asia to the wider international. person chapters supply ancient and ethnographic money owed of the folk, locations, and actions interested by Asia's culinary globalization.

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The Netherlands. My mother’s . . paternal grandfather was born in Ireland, joined the British army and went to India where he married an Anglo- T h e T r av e l s o f K i t t y ’s L o v e C a k e 41 Indian lady whose father was British and mother South Indian. Mother’s maternal great-grandfather was an English sea captain who had married a Dutch Indonesian woman . . [O]ne of [their children] . . was Mary Young, my great-grandmother, who married Alfred Garner of Goan and French descent. So now you can see why it is easier to say that I am “fruit salad”!

In interviews and in her contribution to Hutton’s book, Charmaine was to declare that, before coming to Australia with Reuben and their two daughters, she had never needed to learn to cook (Solomon 2005, 66; see also Brittan 2002, 72–73; Solomon 2007, 27–28). Reuben agrees: [In Colombo] the orchestra lived in luxury in the hotel. Charmaine and I had our own suite, a nanny for our two daughters . . no housework, no cooking . . It was a huge culture shock arriving in Sydney in 1959. We’d grown up in privileged families, never cooked or cleaned, now we had to do everything for ourselves.

And that’s exactly what I did. And when I came to Australia I found you can’t feed a family on that. (Solomon, cited in Britain 2002, 73) In the above quotation, the gendered and racialized content of colonial relations is unmistakable. A different version of class and gender regimes (and a different twist on colonial relations in terms of strategies T h e T r av e l s o f K i t t y ’s L o v e C a k e 43 of guarding the “purity” of the mainstream) certainly awaited Charmaine on her arrival in Australia.

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