By Shalom Lappin
This quantity, now to be had in paperback, offers a finished view of the vital matters in modern semantic idea.
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Additional resources for The Handbook of Contemporary Semantic Theory
2 Now it turns out that the acceptability of an NP in the post of position in partitives is significantly determined by its choice of Det (which is in part why, earlier, we treated more than ten of John's, each of those, etc. as complex Det S). Observe: 1 (51) a. [at least two of Det cats] is acceptable when Det = the, the six, the six or more, John's (six (or more)), those(six(or more)), John's doctor's (six(or more)) b. [at least two of Det cats] is not acceptable when Det = each, no, most, at least / exactly / less than nine, no children's (six) To characterize the Dets which build NPs acceptable in plural partitives we need two preliminary observations.
Sayfa 6 / 16 doctors and the lawyers are the same individuals but Not enough doctors attended the meeting is true and Not enough lawyers attended the meeting is false (say we need a hundred doctors for a quorum and just one lawyer for legal purposes, and just 95 doctor-lawyers show up). Judgments concerning the interpretation and extensionality of many and few are problematic in the literature. K&S argue that they are not extensional but B&C, Westerståhl (1985) and Lappin (1988a) attempt more extensional treatments, though their proposals are not identical.
So such Dets do not themselves make any contingent (= empirical) claims about how the world is. Thus once we are given the set of cats and the set of black things in a situation the truth of Some/All/Most cats are black is determined, but that of John's cats are black is not. In this latter case we must still distinguish among the individual cats according to whether they are John's or not. Which cats John “owns” in a given situation is a contingent property of that situation and may be different in another situation (even with the same universe).