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By P. Chow

The new advancements around the Taiwan Strait have illuminated the predicament of the “One China" coverage, that can misinform to inconsistent or perhaps contradictory regulations, and lead to devastating army disagreement among China and the U.S. and attainable Japan.

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As for Taiwan, the island is almost unknown to Chinese history prior to the Qing, who annexed the island in 1684 in order to prevent its continued use as the base of operations of pirate f leets nominally loyal to the Ming. After its defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895 the Qing ceded Taiwan to Japan. But in its final decades, the Qing behaved less like a multinational empire and more like a Chinese dynasty of indigenous origin. ” Since 1911 China has had three republican regimes.

America’s foreign policy should not undermine robust, major democracies like Taiwan. Therefore, one may wonder how the United States could repress democratization in Taiwan, yet advocate and nurture democracies elsewhere in the world. Nevertheless, for the United States to support a democratic Taiwan as a role model of global democracy it should take strong actions to check China’s claims on Taiwan’s sovereignty, and to bring Taiwan into the international community, just as Arthur Waldron concluded in chapter 9.

His son and successor Hong Taiji (1592–1643) ordered his people to call themselves Manchu (Manzhou) in 1635, changed the name of the dynasty to Qing in 1636, and created the Lifanyuan (Court of Colonial Affairs) in 1638 to regulate Qing relations with the Mongols and other peoples of Central Asia. From the beginning of the dynasty, the Qing rulers strove, sometimes against strong opposition from their leading subjects, to create a political system in which they could rule their Chinese subjects in the manner of Chinese emperors, using mostly Chinese officials, while approaching Central Asians, especially the divided Mongol tribes, as the legitimate successors of the Mongol rulers of the Yuan dynasty.

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